Chavista corruption is evident in many areas, one of which is through Jovanny José Martínez Navarro, Executive Vice President of Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), whose only merit seems to be serving as a figure of control for Delcy Rodríguez within the state-owned oil company.
Sources from Venezuela Política indicate that Martínez Navarro lacks the qualifications and merits to hold the high position he currently occupies in PDVSA, which he entered thanks to Wills Rangel, president of the Bolivarian Socialist Central and a member of the chavista National Assembly, who has been linked to irregularities in the PDVSA pension fund case.
Jovanny José Martínez Navarro is described by our sources as a perpetual budget analyst skilled in PowerPoint presentations, a member of Acción Democrática recruited by Rangel, who brought him from Barinas to PDVSA’s headquarters serving Delcy Rodríguez, who was then Minister of Hydrocarbons. This servitude reportedly led him to the vice presidency of the Venezuelan oil company.
Other Responsibilities
According to sources from Venezuela Política, the management of oil shipments and high seas transfers, supposedly orchestrated by Delcy Rodríguez behind the scenes, has often rested on Jovanny José Martínez Navarro.
As Rodríguez’s right-hand man at PDVSA, Martínez Navarro allegedly demanded maximum security, which led to him being assigned an apartment in Fuerte Tiuna due to his fear of living at the Holet Melía. Transitioning from taking the bus in Barinas, he now travels in armored vehicles and private jets.
He was a trusted ally of Ángel Núñez, an engineering project manager at PDVSA, as well as Eulogio Del Pino, whom he betrayed in pursuit of his interests.
Tailored Appointment and Designation
The Official Gazette number 6875, published on January 6, 2025, documents Decree No. 5073, which establishes the offices of the vice minister and appoints Jovanny José Martínez Navarro as the Executive Vice President of Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), in an acting capacity (1).
Navarro replaced Marco Antonio Magallanes Grillet, who had also been appointed to the presidency of the Venezuelan Oil Corporation. Martínez Navarro continues as vice president of Planning and Engineering for the state oil company.
Previously, he served as Manager of Planning, Budget, and Management at the oil company since 2010, making him a key figure during a time when the state enterprise faced collapse and ruin under both Hugo Chávez and his successor, Nicolás Maduro.
Co-Participant in PDVSA’s Downfall
As part of the decision-making —as the planning department suggests— Jovanny José Martínez Navarro either approved or kept silent, for example, allowing PDVSA in 2010 to place asphalt sales proceeds to Argentina in a trust at a New York bank, which vanished for a time. The Argentine press reported that the funds were allegedly sold on the black market at a rate that doubled the official one, only to be repurchased at the official rate. This irregular operation netted quick profits of USD 13 million.
In 2010, Venezuela was rocked by the “Pudreval” scandal involving 150 tons of spoiled food imported by PDVAL at inflated costs in containers near Puerto Cabello.
Also in 2010, PDVSA signed a rental contract for the rig Aban Pearl —a piece of junk— with a phantom company that received USD 365,000 daily. Ultimately, the rig sank. A year later, in 2011, PDVSA signed a leasing contract for two offshore drilling rigs —also junk— at an exorbitant rate with the shell company PetroSaudí.
In 2012, Hugo Chávez announced plans to build 15 refineries overseas and two in Venezuela, but after conducting various studies and committing funds, none materialized. Numerous irregularities occurred at CITGO without PDVSA imposing order, despite being aware of dozens of warnings. In August of that same year, a lack of maintenance and mismanagement led to the explosion of the Amuay refinery, an incident that resulted in significant human and material losses.
By 2013, PDVSA’s labor liabilities amounted to around USD 15 billion in lawsuits, refineries were operating at only 60 percent capacity, and crude oil production had fallen by nearly 700,000 barrels per day, with the company subsidizing Bolivia, Uruguay, and Argentina.
In 2014, debt to China reached USD 40 billion, and the Central Bank of Venezuela was pumping money into PDVSA, rather than the other way around. The “bolichicos” began profiting from the Venezuelan electrical tragedy.
In 2015, he took on tasks beyond his purview, while the Cuban debt to Venezuela stood at USD 30 billion, and the country was producing 800,000 barrels per day less than in 1999, while its debt was around USD 80 billion.
From 2016 to 2024, PDVSA was under military control, implementing several misguided decisions, including creating a phantom company named CAMIMPEG, which charges commissions and acts as an intermediary.
Adding to all this were the infamous operations of Tareck El Aissami and Asdrúbal Chávez, which represented a significant embezzlement for the state company (2).
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