In light of the significant earthquake that struck Colombia, President Abelardo de la Espriella is actively coordinating humanitarian efforts and planning the reconstruction of impacted regions. Meanwhile, the Venezuelan government has also offered assistance, though it faces skepticism from its own citizens. | Photo: Joaquin Sarmiento/Agence France-Presse.
Guacamaya, August 11, 2026. On Monday, August 10, at 7:34 AM Colombian time, the nation experienced the largest earthquake recorded in its territory in the 21st century. The 7.4-magnitude quake, with its epicenter in San José del Palmar, Chocó, not only tested the foundations of western Colombia but also reminds Venezuelans of the sorrow that followed the seismic doublet on June 24.
Although official reports from Colombia have been slow to come in, the most widely mentioned toll indicates 181 deaths, while local and international media estimates suggest a grim count of up to 250. Additionally, over 2,500 injuries have been documented, along with at least 195 people missing, yet citizen-led search parties have reported around 4,000 individuals unlocatable.
The hardest-hit cities include Cali, Pereira, Manizales, and Quibdó, where damages include at least 165 collapsed buildings and significant harm to critical infrastructure. In response to the scale of the disaster, President Abelardo de la Espriella has declared a national disaster, marking his first major challenge shortly after taking office.
What sets this apart from Venezuela?
For Venezuelans, the news resonates with the distress brought by the earthquakes on June 24. While both events share similar magnitudes, the aftermath, technical details, and immediate response efforts highlight a stark contrast that needs addressing.
The Colombian earthquake was caused by the subduction (or diagonal-oblique movement) of the Nazca Plate beneath the South American Plate, affecting an area stretching as far as Panama and Ecuador. In contrast, the Venezuelan tragedy involved a seismic “doublet” (two quakes of magnitudes 7.2 and 7.5, 39 seconds apart) caused by lateral shifting in the Caribbean Plate.
Moreover, the depth of the Colombian earthquake was intermediate, ranging between 103 and 107 kilometers, based on data from the United States Geological Survey (USGS) and the Colombian Geological Survey (SGC). In juxtaposition, the Venezuelan earthquakes were shallow (20.3 km and 10 km), explaining the catastrophic death toll exceeding 6,300.
Soil vulnerability appears as a common factor, with Colombian experts suggesting that soil liquefaction due to ground moisture in Chocó and the Coffee Axis may have contributed to building collapses. A similar phenomenon is reported in Venezuela, related to the sedimentary soils typical of the La Guaira coast.
When it comes to response measures, Colombia benefits from a National Risk Management System established in 2012, which coordinates how regions respond. However, the ongoing disaster has revived discussions about the “historical debt” and the absence of State presence in underprivileged areas like Chocó—a concern echoed in Venezuela’s epicenter of the disaster.
Venezuelan Aid and Domestic Criticism
Shortly after the earthquake, the Venezuelan government, represented by Vice President Delcy Rodríguez and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, formally offered to send a rescue team and humanitarian support. The official statement underscores that this offer is made with “full respect for the sovereignty and self-determination” of Colombia.
However, this act of goodwill has sparked criticism on social media. Citizens in regions like La Guaira express ongoing grievances regarding the lack of attention and reconstruction following the June earthquake. They note that it took six hours for the first official report to surface, lacking initial details about victims.
At the same time, doubts are growing over the government’s goal of providing 4,000 housing units by year-end alongside external assistance. Adding to the complexity is the political dynamic between De la Espriella’s new administration and figures from Colombia’s prior government, which complicates the acceptance of this aid.
The reality in Venezuela is further complicated by the presence of the Mexican group Topos USAR BREC, which has been assisting for over 40 days and is now looking to move to Colombia. They seek pickup trucks and gasoline to cross the border by land, as air restrictions hinder fuel transport for their equipment.
De la Espriella’s Major Political and Administrative Challenge
This tragedy has not bypassed political polarization. De la Espriella’s government has accused “sectors of the outgoing administration” of launching a campaign to discredit his efforts in front of international organizations. Nevertheless, the fact that the Colombian government requested international aid from the UN is viewed by opposition groups as an acknowledgment of being overwhelmed.
One of the most significant criticisms of De la Espriella’s management is that some analysts and citizens believe public order is being prioritized over rescue operations. While thousands remained trapped, the initial media and operational focus was on deploying 1,000 troops in Cali and imposing curfews in Pereira to curb looting.
Moreover, the quake has highlighted a historical “lack of State” in the Pacific region, where local leaders in Quibdó and Buenaventura lament a sluggish institutional response. The collapse of two major bridges in Buenaventura and the closure of six airports due to structural damage has isolated entire communities.
Additionally, there’s growing frustration regarding the slow dissemination of information and discrepancies in official death counts. While regional governments have reported numbers above 200, the National Government has maintained much lower figures in its early consolidated reports, leading to a perceived disconnect between the capital and the regions.
Colombia’s crisis management system now faces the task of proving its efficacy is not merely rhetorical or military, but operational. Preliminary estimates for reconstruction costs reach 20 billion Colombian pesos (US$6.3 billion), equating to 1% of GDP—a staggering figure that places further pressure on the national budget for 2027 amid government adjustments.
In Venezuela, citizens observe the effects with a blend of brotherhood and resentment, remembering—or realizing—that the earth does not recognize borders, yet the strength of institutions is the defining factor between a natural disaster and a humanitarian crisis.