The intelligence of the United States of America is ingrained in how information is handled when making decisions based on its interests. This characteristic has remained unchanged since its founding, strongly reinforced by the James Monroe Doctrine (1823), which clearly articulated its intentions to become an influential power with interventions in various global locations, guided by a “realpolitik” epitomized by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
This is why the timing of actions from different American political parties—democratic or republican—is unpredictable, and in the case of Venezuela, it’s exasperating. In the early years of Chavismo at the end of the 20th century, major American oil corporations were the ones funding leftist movements in Latin America and beyond.
U.S. intelligence must have been aware of where and to whom the funds from Hugo Chávez’s government and Nicolás Maduro’s regime flowed. The financing was no secret, leading to numerous corruption scandals across the continent, including in Europe, as seen with Spain and Portugal. It is also true that mistakes do occur within U.S. bureaucracy, but the advantage of the democratic and capitalist system is that it draws from various sources to correct its errors.
This democratic-capitalist model survived the “Cold War,” and now the U.S. seeks to create new military scenarios to justify increased military spending, showcase its military might, express its global leadership, and find reasons to threaten potential enemies and competitors to its economic and political interests. Thus, by updating its old Monroe Doctrine, they continue to follow an imperialist pattern that has historically defined them.
What Donald Trump is doing is not innovative; the expansionist aims are reminiscent of the past, with the main difference being the scale of the world that the U.S. now aims to control using economic, military, and political weapons—a dangerous game in a context that has changed significantly, due to the variety of interests that North America established after the Second World War.
In Venezuela, the timeline of U.S. actions does not align with the urgent needs of a society desperate for change amidst the critical situation under the Chavista regime. On January 3, 2026, when Americans captured Nicolás Maduro and took him to face justice, “the people were filled with hope, longing for fair salary claims, better salary offers because oil investments would lead them to prosperity, and to accept Trump’s and Marco Rubio’s offers of stability in exchange for democracy.
In a seemingly blocked scenario with no clear exits, Trump acted and fulfilled the mission that Venezuelans failed to assume. It is logical then for the U.S. to expect compensation for such a noble mission, as they have stated openly, but time is against their objectives, which evidently have little to do with swiftly returning to the path of democracy.
Meanwhile, Chavismo, with its structure of control, continues to operate normally through security bodies, governorships, mayoralties, and other powers. The population goes on with their daily lives, working, enjoying themselves, and awaiting new orders from Trump that could improve their lives; businessmen and bankers eagerly anticipate the new prosperity brought by the “supposed multimillion-dollar investments from transnational companies that will return to the oil business, just as Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonso predicted.
Trump’s promise to bring wealth to Venezuela is the hope of Venezuelans, who may not realize that the crisis was caused by their own civic irresponsibility and lack of commitment to their country, demonstrated by military figures, politicians, businessmen, bankers, and many segments of a population that accepted the widespread corruption of the paternalistic state, whose imprint still lingers in many institutions and minds.
The road ahead is anything but easy; Trump’s administration argues that it seeks a peaceful transition, since a violent break from Chavismo could produce widespread violence. However, the criminal structure of the Chavista regime continues to operate along the Colombian-Venezuelan border in collusion with dangerous organizations like the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), which are not likely to abandon their comfort and lucrative dealings tied to drug trafficking, illegal mining, corruption, and money laundering.
Compounding this reality are the old vices of politicians from traditional parties, some of which have devolved into other organizations carrying the “bad habits” that brought Chavismo to power, even continuing to make deals without regard for the harm they have caused to Venezuela. This leadership that fled the country years ago managed to establish a propaganda machine that thrives on chaos, gossip, and a false heroism perpetuated through social media.
Also contributing to this reality are organizations such as unions and guilds, which have become fossilized in critical institutions like universities, which should be tasked with building a future Venezuela, yet currently only aspire to survive in a world riddled with outdated, corrupt political residues.
Meanwhile, the new powers in Venezuela manage their timing; they have created a plan in which the illegitimate Vice President and acting President, Delcy Rodríguez, and her network controlled by her brother, Jorge Rodríguez, after being supposed staunch enemies, now obediently follow orders to ensure the peace necessary for the investments of their friends.
In second place, the Secretary of State, of Cuban descent, Marco Rubio, claims that a reconnection with democracy will come. How long will the wait for this step be? They will know. In the meantime, Chavismo will continue to govern, and Venezuelans will keep dreaming of their oil-rich Venezuela.
Cupertino Flores