The strategic alliance between Gustavo Petro and Maduro is not an isolated phenomenon; it is the culmination of a long-term project involving the left, global powers, mutated religious ideologies, and a transnational criminal structure that challenges the sovereignty of traditional states.
This warning was issued by professor Fernando Vargas Quemba, director of the Committee of Victims of the FARC, during a conversation with Venezuela Política and Sin Filtros, where he alerted about the dangers of the expansion of the transnational criminal corporation, the capture of the state, and the hybrid war unfolding in the region.
He believes that the Andean region and the Southern Cone are facing an institutional paradigm shift, emphasizing the complex strategic alliance between Petro and Maduro, rooted in the historical ties of the Colombian leader with chavismo. He added that various guerrilla groups and criminal networks operate in the region, affecting political stability, all under the shelter of leftist ideologies.
He cautioned about the risks that democratic institutions face amid the expansion of authoritarian models and territorial control by transnational mafias.
Venezuela and Colombia: a Geopolitical Axis in Crisis
The geopolitical landscape shows that the binational axis between Venezuela and Colombia is at a crucial inflection point, as the strategic alliance between Petro and Maduro is undeniable and longstanding. According to Fernando Vargas Quemba, the fates of Gustavo Petro and the chavista regime, now represented by Nicolás Maduro, are intrinsically linked.
Vargas Quemba noted that, internationally, there is a protective circle around Maduro’s regime, led by actors such as Lula da Silva, Russia, and China, who oppose U.S. pressures and frame any intervention as a humanitarian catastrophe.
He warned that Colombia faces an existential threat from the possible consolidation of an authoritarian socialist model, as the left has penetrated key institutions such as academia, media, and traditional political parties over decades.
In this context, Iván Cepeda, a high-ranking member of the Communist Party, emerges as a presidential candidate with high chances of success, aided by the divided Colombian opposition and the absence of a consolidated right-wing party.
Moreover, he pointed out two often-overlooked actors that are fundamental to regional destabilization: Cuba, the “head of the criminal corporation,” and the Theology of Liberation, described as a powerful tool for communist infiltration within the Catholic and Christian church in Latin America. This situation serves the revolutionary cause more than the guerrilla fronts themselves.
Strategic Alliance Between Petro and Maduro: An Undeniable Fact
Despite recent denials by Gustavo Petro regarding his relationship with Nicolás Maduro due to U.S. actions in the Caribbean, Fernando Vargas Quemba describes such denials as “absolute nonsense,” as their connection is deep, historic, and strategic.
In this regard, Vargas Quemba highlighted:
- Historical ties: The relationship dates back to the 1990s, when Hugo Chávez, newly released from prison, was investigated in Colombia for clandestine ties with the ELN. It was Petro who allegedly welcomed him, housed him, and provided him with a lawyer for his case.
- Intertwined destinies: The political survival of both leaders is considered mutually dependent. Petro is aware that “if Maduro sinks, he sinks too. They are in the same boat. But if Maduro floats, he floats as well.”
- Disrespect for foreign policy: Petro has been “severely disrespectful” to the U.S. government and other regional presidents who do not align with his ideology, such as Javier Milei from Argentina and the president of Ecuador. This attitude aligns with his participation in the “São Paulo Forum” and the “Castrist internationalist alliance.”
Venezuela on the Global Geopolitical Chessboard
The situation in Venezuela was also analyzed during Fernando Vargas Quemba’s conversation, establishing it as not just a local problem but the focal point of confrontation between global powers, escalating to the United Nations Security Council.
- U.S. encirclement: A coalition of international actors actively defends Maduro’s regime and seeks to encircle actions by the Trump administration.
- Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva: Co-founder of the São Paulo Forum along with Fidel Castro, he assumed a leading role. At the Mercosur summit, he termed a potential U.S. intervention in Venezuela as a “humanitarian catastrophe for the hemisphere and a very dangerous precedent for the world.”
- Russia, China, and the BRICS: Maduro’s main allies. Their defense is interpreted as protection of their own strategic interests in the region, as they consider Venezuela part of their “strategic operations.”
- Democratic factions in the U.S.: Parts of the U.S. Democratic Party also oppose Trump’s policies toward Venezuela, contributing to the international encirclement.
- Economic motivations: The opposition to the fall of chavismo comes from Venezuela functioning as the “petty cash drawer” for international leftism. Venezuelan petrodollars funded campaigns and leftist governments in Colombia, Argentina, Central America, and even in countries like Spain, Syria, and Libya.
- Endless war: The conflict in Venezuela fits the concept of an infinite war—a war that never ends. China and Russia use their regional allies to open multiple fronts (Venezuela, Ukraine, Taiwan) to exhaust the U.S. response capacity and advance their agenda against the West.
Colombia’s Crossroads: The Threat of a “Communist Revolution”
Fernando Vargas Quemba warns that Colombia has been defending itself from a communist power takeover for more than 40 years and states that the risk is now imminent. This situation results from a long-term strategy of ideological penetration and the lack of an effective political counterbalance.
Ideological Penetration of Institutions
- In academia: The left has completely infiltrated the educational system. Fecode, the public teachers’ federation, acts as a political arm, donating 500 million pesos to Gustavo Petro’s campaign. This influence extends to elite universities like Javeriana and Los Andes, where indoctrination occurs, leading to a “brainwashing and unintentional ideological overflow” of the children of the business class.
- In media: Media outlets are “completely permeated,” and it’s rare to find a journalist publicly distancing themselves from the left.
- In political parties: The left has long since “taken over” the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party. Of the 32 legal parties in Colombia, it’s estimated that 31 are leftist.
Iván Cepeda and the Absence of Right-Wing Opposition
Iván Cepeda is a possible presidential candidate planning to carry out a “revolution in Colombia.” He is a high-ranking member of the Communist Party, following in the footsteps of his father, Manuel Cepeda, a founder of the FARC.
Therefore, Vargas Quemba asserts that he has “ample authority” over guerrilla groups while noting some significant facts:
- Non-existence of a political right: Vargas is categorical in stating that “there is no right-wing party in Colombia.”
- The Democratic Center: Álvaro Uribe’s party is labeled as a center party “full of leftists” and M-19 members at the top. The right of the party is found in its base, but they are not heard.
- The role of Uribe: Fernando Vargas Quemba recalled that Álvaro Uribe, as a senator in 1993, was key in passing a “pardon” law for the M-19, closing legal proceedings related to terrorism and crimes against humanity concerning the Palace of Justice takeover.
- María Fernanda Cabal: One of the few openly right-wing voices, she has been waging an “ideological battle” for over a decade. However, Vargas warned that she is “in the wrong place,” within a party whose leadership does not represent her ideas.
Recent Electoral Landscape in Colombia
Fernando Vargas Quemba cited a poll from the Atlas firm that reflects a polarized political scenario, with a tight competition between the two main candidates.
| Candidate | Vote Intention (%) | Affiliation/Description |
|---|---|---|
| Abelardo de la Espriella | 39.8% | Noted lawyer, close to Uribe. |
| Iván Cepeda | 38.5% | Historic Pact, Communist. |
| Sergio Fajardo | 8.2% | Center-left. |
| Juan Carlos Pinzón | 2.0% | Former Minister of Defense of Juan Manuel Santos. |
| Vicky Dávila | 1.3% | Journalist. |
| Germán Vargas Lleras | 1.1% | Traditional political leader. |
| Others | <1.0% | Includes Claudia López, Roy Barreras, Paloma Valencia. |
Vargas Quemba warned that this survey does not reflect the vote from regions controlled by the five major illegal armed groups, whose votes “will likely go to Iván Cepeda.”
Hidden Actors and Ideological Engines
Fernando Vargas Quemba highlighted the existence of two determining forces in the regional conflict that are often ignored in conventional analyses.
Cuba: The Brain of the Criminal Corporation
- Central role: Cuba is “the head of the Cartel de los Soles” and “the head of the criminal corporation in the region.” It is the “communist destabilizing engine in Latin America.”
- International silence: He alerts to the misunderstanding about why the U.S. does not target Cuba directly. Vargas speculates it could be due to a non-aggression pact dating back to the missile crisis, whose current validity is questioned.
- Military and security power: Vargas emphasized that Cuba possesses a “very powerful army” and “well-prepared” security schemes that protect figures like Maduro and Petro.
Theology of Liberation: Revolutionary Engine within the Church
Fernando Vargas Quemba made several points about the Theology of Liberation and its influence in this process:
- Dark influence: It is “the most sinister communist and pro-communist revolutionary engine” affecting Catholic and Christian peoples in Latin America, occurring with the “silence and approval of the Vatican.”
- Origins and efficacy: It was a “Stalinist idea” created during the Iron Curtain era. Vargas cited Fidel Castro and stated that this theology “has served the revolution more than 500 guerrilla fronts” due to the priests’ ability to influence communities.
- Examples: He mentioned cases of “guerrilla priests” in Colombia, such as Father Pérez, a Spanish commander of the ELN, and linked the bishop of Chiapas as the true commander of the Zapatista Army in Mexico.
Mutation of Organized Crime and the Loss of State Territory
Finally, Fernando Vargas Quemba reflected on the evolving nature of criminal groups and the increasing inability of states to control their own territory, a phenomenon visible throughout the region.
- Crossed ideological origins: He demystified the idea of a clear ideological divide among armed groups. The Clan del Golfo, for example, classified as a terrorist organization by the U.S., is not right-wing but “comes from the EPL,” a leftist guerrilla group.
- Model of mutation: The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Mexico is a clear example; it was not defeated but “mutated from armed insurgency to an indigenous autonomy experience.” This could be the future of the Cartel de los Soles in Venezuela if its visible heads (Maduro, Cabello) are removed.
- Loss of sovereignty: The Colombian state, like those of Venezuela, Ecuador, and Mexico, is losing control over vast portions of its territory to transnational criminal corporations, creating “hybrid models” of de facto governance.