Colombian President Gustavo Petro, a former guerrilla member of the defunct M-19, has been forced by time to shed the mask of a democrat and reveal his true interests and motives.
Yes, time has uncovered his authentic face. For those familiar with his criminal record and corruption, as well as his history of incompetence in public office, his actions are not surprising. Even during his days as a guerrilla, he displayed immense personal conflicts, emotional disarray, and inclinations towards vices that those close to him know to be real but have been conveniently forgotten by power.
Like all communists, he wraps himself in the banners of progressivism, distorting its noble principles. For him and his Ibero-American colleagues, such manipulation represents a part of the erosion of institutions and values. His merciless attacks on the management of former President Iván Duque (2018-2022), utilizing both violence and lies—disregarding even the COVID-19 pandemic—speak volumes about what he is capable of.
Time has unveiled his true objectives and demonstrated his destructive character, rooted in guerrilla warfare and never overcome. His social resentment has been expressed without scruples. The real concern lies not just in his corruption scandals and crimes but also in the incapacitation of civil society—business leaders, professional guilds, and vulnerable communities—that should serve to defend against these threats.
This lack of response is not unique to Colombia; it affects the liberal democracy around the globe. Violations of laws, the utilization of lies as state policy, and deepening inequality occur in both developed and developing nations. Civic participation is limited and, at times, manipulated by groups seeking power, while resources entering through fiscal channels are used fraudulently.
Petro’s movement has successfully co-opted the progressive banners in Colombia, asserting that this noble aspiration does not belong solely to the left. By employing violence, he has managed to persuade Colombians to buy into his political agenda. Unfortunately, the blinded masses fail to recognize that his prior experience as mayor of Bogotá was marred by inefficiency and corruption—scandals like the trash service incident and money-handling video have been forgotten.
Now, with social media, falsehoods, and public humiliations spread quickly across various platforms, all without any accountability. His poor behavior, reminiscent of other so-called leftist governments, has tarnished public morality and respect for the nation’s representatives.
With Petro’s rise to power, many feared a repeat of Venezuela’s situation, but there are key differences between the two realities. Colombia has a historical backdrop of violence and has never truly enjoyed peace; it possesses solid institutions, despite recent corruption scandals involving senators and representatives. Wealth resides predominantly within the private sector, generating taxes and jobs, rather than the state. Moreover, the elites have historically maintained strong, educated control over power.
This violence has generated social trauma and frustration that remain unaddressed, along with pervasive distrust. Though quality of life has improved and poverty rates have decreased in recent decades, distrust continues to hinder Colombia’s ability to fully leverage its human and natural resources.
Petro has skillfully tapped into societal issues, manipulating social resentment and violence to seize power. His election to the Casa de Nariño was enabled by significant financial backing from powerful coastal groups, as well as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). The leaders of these groups have publicly acknowledged their support, yet his administration has proven to be even less effective than his time as mayor.
Since his election, the focus has been on seizing resources and political clients like health care providers. The outcomes of Petro’s management are contestable—most job creation has been bureaucratic and unproductive, which escalates public spending but leads to a drop in investment.
His push for tax increases that eliminate the fiscal ceiling has been noted by analysts as a recipe for disaster. However, Petro seems unconcerned, fixated on maintaining power and winning the 2026 elections, which involves purchasing alliances using public finances and offering bonuses to political clients who do not solve poverty yet generate votes.
Petro’s communication strategy aims to cultivate chaos, manipulating social media to spread falsehoods and make unfounded accusations, understanding that the media that ought to investigate often plays along, disseminating what he prefers. There are no accusations against him—he simply asserts, “I am the president, and that’s that.” His issues with addiction and his disrespectful behavior are treated lightly, without fully grasping the implications.
By 2025, his threats escalated beyond mere words. The assassination attempt on Miguel Uribe and the concealed authors of this plot serve as a warning to the opposition, as does the alleged plan against Bogotá’s Mayor, Carlos Fernando Galán. The way the Petro administration has handled these incidents is compounded by the recent escape of a minor delinquent from the Colombian Family Welfare Institute.
Oppressive measures against the opposition intensified with the arrival of the former Attorney General, Luis Eduardo Montealegre, a controversial figure who has aligned with Álvaro Uribe, Juan Manuel Santos, and now with Petro. He plays a pivotal role in the contradictory ruling against former President Uribe, suspected of collaborating with the disputed Attorney General appointed by Petro, Luz Adriana Camargo, who currently faces an arrest order from Guatemalan authorities. Additionally, one of those implicated in this political persecution is J.M. Santos, with the aim of politically neutralizing the former president.
Petro must neutralize Uribe, who is campaigning across the country ahead of the 2026 elections and remains a principal enemy for Colombia’s leftists. Attacks on the opposition are critical to diminishing their chances in the upcoming elections, as indicated by the assassination attempt on Miguel Uribe, the conspiracy against Bogotá’s Mayor, and the detention and disqualification of former President Uribe.
The chess moves of the Colombian left showcase progress amid the chaos enveloping society, institutions, and coca-growing regions controlled by guerrilla allies of Petro. His corruption flourishes unabated; neither his son, Nicolás Petro, implicated in the illegal campaign financing scandal, nor Armando Benedetti’s associate, Laura Sarabia, nor any of the various ministry scandals or issues involving Ecopetrol and other state bodies, face any repercussions. This is largely due to his influence and the buying of loyalties, as well as his control over social media and the judicial system. Compounding this is the apathy of civil society, academia, and businesses that fail to assert their rights.
@hdelgado10