His ineptitude and corruption were well-known. As a guerrilla fighter, he exhibited his human shortcomings, stemming from his evident resentment, supported by communist theories that ultimately failed in the nations where they were imposed, resulting in a controlling state over human life—yet these ideas remain entrenched on this side of the continent.
He has always profited from the State, living a millionaire capitalist lifestyle while his followers endure poverty and worsening problems, defending the indefensible. Petro came to power after questionable financing, and a wave of violence that no legal body managed to neutralize, suspiciously directed against the government of Iván Duque, with backing from former presidents Juan Manuel Santos, Ernesto Samper, and César Gaviria.
Colombians seemed indifferent to his past, aware of his ineptitude and corruption; 9 million voters chose to support him, experimenting with a choice that could lead to the country’s demise, regardless of the damage caused by his chaotic actions, particularly in economic, institutional, and security matters. This raises questions: Did the elites who have controlled power really not know what he would do? Or did they allow the leftist experiment to unfold to expose his incompetence and failures?
As the Mayor of Bogotá, he was inept and corrupt. Would he be any different when governing a complex country grappling with severe poverty, insecurity, drug trafficking, and the absence of state presence in many regions dominated by regional leaders who care only for power rather than national progress? In any election, those who gather the most support from these figures win.
Did Juan Manuel Santos or César Gaviria care about bringing Petro to power, knowing the systematic harm he would inflict? Perhaps someone familiar with these dark pacts, like Álvaro Uribe, cleared the way for this disastrous character to rise, leading to the unfolding failure.
The death of Miguel Uribe polarized the nation; the lines are now clearer between those aligned with Álvaro Uribe and those supporting Petro’s government. In his desperation, the president proposed the 2026 budget project, a disastrous plan from which the former M-19 guerrilla hopes to benefit because his future is uncertain. He knows he must secure resources to buy votes and gain the support of political and economic groups—a dangerous gamble because these figures lack reliable loyalty, many belonging to the elite that has traditionally governed Colombia; they know how to manipulate, control, negotiate, and even order murders.
Since his arrival, some of these clans understood what was expected from Petro: to dismantle institutions, create chaos to profit from it, which is why he insults through social media and media outlets that have become his allies in spreading falsehoods, dismantling the forces to benefit irregular groups like the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and Clan del Golfo; increasing drug trafficking to finance his allies, manipulating the judiciary, controlling the education system, and generating insecurity to allow guerrillas and paramilitaries to dominate the drug crops, laboratories, and trafficking routes.
After just over two years of disastrous management, Petro has revealed his true face as a resentful guerrilla attempting to seize power through deceitful tactics. The death of Miguel Uribe and the attempt to imprison Latin America’s number one enemy of the left, Álvaro Uribe, send messages against those who oppose his ambitions. The assassination has become a “crab,” a tactic meant to confuse and prevent the discovery of the intellectual authors because it is not in his interest to relinquish power; subsequent investigations could expose his responsibilities in the scandals plaguing his administration.
Democracy needs to be reexamined not by creating useless laws or convening futile constituent assemblies but by enforcing the law to prevent the impunity that has harmed the country. Crime and corruption rates have surged, yet the number of sanctions remains low; this phenomenon has deepened during Petro’s administration. The scandals serve as evidence; Petro’s constant violation of legal norms reflects on his social media where he lies and accuses his opponents without any consequences.
The evident cynicism with which he defends his allies from the ELN and FARC has allowed a tiny group to destabilize Colombia. A report from La Silla Vacía in March 2024 indicates that “the ELN, the two factions of FARC dissidents, and Clan del Golfo had a total of 16,770 armed members last year. This marks an 11 percent increase in the armed forces of these groups compared to 2022. The information comes from a confidential Ministry of Defense report obtained by La Silla Vacía. An intelligence source confirmed the data, noting that it is from the first half of 2023. The data for the second half has yet to be approved by the military leadership, so the increase could be even greater.”
This means that fewer than 20,000 criminals living off the drug trade, backed by Petro, are managing to destabilize a country of 52 million people. It’s outrageous that the State cannot neutralize them, but it’s thanks to the President that crime rates, coca cultivation, and insurgency control in key areas have escalated, deepening impunity and the recruitment of children.
The grave issues with Petro’s actions are the institutions and civic culture that should demand efficient management of resources do not act to prevent these aberrations. This crisis is exacerbated by followers who justify his actions and by politicians who exploit the trust of Colombians for personal gain, indifferent to the negative impacts on the majority.
Now, with the decertification by the Trump administration, Petro will care little about the negative repercussions affecting entrepreneurs and the military, just as he is currently destroying a healthcare system that was a global benchmark. Why his indifference? Essentially, because communist principles advocate for the destruction of institutions and capitalist values, and secondly, because he is inept and has zero capacity for response.
In the meantime, guerrilla assassins flaunt armored trucks, earning exorbitant salaries in Congress and government while having yet to pay for their acts of genocide, the sexual assault of minors, child recruitment, kidnappings, drug trafficking crimes, and attacks—because the JEP and the justice system are infiltered by the left. And the victims continue to mourn their losses.
@hdelgado10