Let’s face it: in politics, Hugo Chavez is a lucky guy. I won’t mention high oil prices, the acquittal, or how he came to power riding the wave of unpopularity against traditional parties. No. I’m going to address the quality, or rather the lack of it, in the opposing political establishment. I’m talking about Ramos Allup, Barboza, and the pseudo-intellectuals who idolize Petkoff. And we must also acknowledge Borges, Lopez, Perez, Goicoechea, etc. This has been a blessing for Chavez. In fact, in my opinion, it’s even more beneficial than the billions of dollars from Venezuela’s public treasury that the leader has at his disposal.
“They lack a brothel,” has been heard from old-guard politicians regarding the new generation of opposition leaders. They, who are presumed to know every dilapidated dive where they’ve likely squandered ill-gotten money, boast about their supposed extensive political experience. After 12 years of taking more hits than a thieving rat, behaving like big-nosed oxen, it’s impossible to believe such claims. Even less acceptable is the notion that the old guard is better equipped to effectively oppose the Castro-Chavista regime. The reality is clear: the Venezuelan opposition, with few exceptions, has no clue how to effectively oppose. Immediate gratification and the ambition for power are the fundamental issues.
Venezuela has 1 presidency, 1 federal district, 23 governorships, 165 congressional seats, 335 mayorships, 2,389 vacancies in municipal councils, and 3,207 vacancies in parish councils, give or take. None of the candidates for any position starts their political career thinking, “One day, I want to be a councilor, mayor, deputy, parish council member, governor…” No. In the land of the caudillo, all, both men and women, crave one thing: to be president. This is the root of the problem. Since not everyone can achieve this goal, envy, infighting, lack of commitment, and cooperation arise, along with an inability to roll up sleeves for the common good. In fact, the concept of the common good, in the mouths of politicians, is mere rhetoric, as those in the game are not there to establish the common good, but rather their own. The issue? None of the presidential hopefuls begin their political journey with plans for 2, 5, 10, 15, or 20 years ahead. Except for Hugo Chavez. While the thousands of aspirants to public power in Venezuela are preoccupied with the annual electoral carousel set up by the caudillo, none of them are thinking about the medium and long term. In fact, I challenge those who read this page, if they know any of the mentioned figures closely, to send me a plan or project that outlines timelines similar to those described above. It’s the immediacy—they want to be governor while still in their term as mayor; they aim to be deputies without fulfilling their duties as councilors; in short, the immediate desire for power at all costs is an end in itself. Sadly, the acquisition and execution of power seldom come with an understanding of the magnitude of the challenges ahead. Thus, the mayor of Chacao, Baruta, or Maracaibo believes he has what it takes to be president. The opposition party leader or deputy thinks they are already qualified for such roles, and this belief permeates all levels. There’s a notion that one man or woman can fix Venezuela. This is a grave mistake.
The manner in which political debate is framed represents another serious deficiency in the opposition. These debates shouldn’t occur in television studios or in the press. By their very nature, these debates belong in one place: the National Assembly. That’s where the opposition must keep Chavez and his accomplices close to the heat for their treacherous unpatriotic project. Recent months have provided us with unprecedented events in contemporary Venezuelan history. However, we rarely see opposition deputies exposing the ignorance of Chavismo to public scorn. A few examples here and there are not enough; it should be a daily, relentless task across all fronts. Take a fresh example: the media report that thanks to Deputy Diosdado Cabello intervention, the armed conflict the pranes of Rodeo maintained for almost a month with the National Guard has ended. Who has heard any opposition deputy questioning Cabello in the Assembly? Who has posed a question like, “Deputy Cabello, please explain, with the help of El Alsaimi and the military head of the GN, how a pran, along with over 30 high-risk inmates, escapes from a prison surrounded by hundreds of GN officials, loaded with money and weapons, without anyone noticing…?” The pran didn’t escape; they were let go, just like Carlos Ortega. So what kind of democratic officials worthy of a republic governed by the rule of law, allow criminals to walk free just like that? Only one kind—officials who were criminals before taking office. That’s the kind of opposition that should exist. And there are hundreds of issues, thousands of problems, in every town, city, and neighborhood in Venezuela. Nobody can escape the problems created by Chavismo over the past 12 years, either through action or inaction.
But the opposition, rather than doing what it must, where it must do it, is playing dead, wishing for a quick recovery for the caudillo, counting and aligning pieces on an electoral board over which they have no control, in other words, dreaming of impossible outcomes while allowing Chavez to continue his insane megalomania under the influence of Cuban dictators. So far, we’ve only seen Maria Corina acting, armed with statistics and concrete facts, conducting herself in the Assembly as a legitimate opposition deputy should. She holds the chavista collective to account, whose only response is empty ideological rhetoric, as they lack evidence to effectively rebut the reality. In previous congresses, I remember seeing Liliana Hernandez do similar things. But even Maria Corina, now enamored with the idea of becoming Venezuela’s first female president and who should, after her time in Súmate, know better, isn’t demanding, for instance, that the CNE provide the REP to a congressional commission so it can be investigated if the millions of new voters really exist or not.
And what about the brothel kings? What about the doctorates from Oxford, and the master’s degrees from Harvard? What about the politicians smoking under the water? They are doing just fine…
The caudillo heads to Cuba. For the second time for medical treatment. The amount of millions spent on Chavez’s alternative healthcare system is unknown but is presumed to be significant. Here’s another bombshell: “Can Minister Eugenia Sader please present herself in this assembly to be questioned regarding the exact amount allocated for the Barrio Adentro missions I, II, III, IV, etc., and other funds dispensed for the construction, equipment, and operation of healthcare centers since 1998?” Or here’s a better one: “The auditing commission demands President Hugo Chavez present a detailed report of his health status within the next 5 days, or he will face questioning for violations of Article 232 of the Constitution, among others.” There are so many more.
Sadly, we see none of that; there’s no initiative. Whether experienced with prostitutes or not, opposition members seem more like a collective of eunuchs, both physically and intellectually, zoo tigers, unable to defend themselves against the rats of the real world. The scandal of the day replaces that of the previous day. There’s no follow-up. There’s no future plan. Problems aren’t discussed appropriately. There are no demands. There’s a deep ignorance of the principle that all appointed or elected officials are merely public employees, subject to questioning, scrutiny, and dismissal.
It’s difficult to believe that the necessary talent doesn’t exist. The one from Maracaibo thinks he can, and thinks he has what it takes. Just like him, all the others, from yesterday and today. Hundreds, thousands, pulling in their own direction. Without a defined trajectory or course. Hundreds, thousands, firm believers and practitioners of the Eudomariana doctrine, perfectly adapted by Chavismo, of “as it comes, we’ll see.” That’s no way to build a country; that’s not how to create a future. Venezuela needs a better opposition, not light versions of Chavista populism.